Public Statements

STATEMENT BY THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE ON THE SUSPENSION OF THE PROVISIONS OF THE RULES OF PROCEDURE

SEPTEMBER 7, 2018
DAKAR, SENEGAL

During the 14th General Assembly of CODESRIA held in Dakar in 2015 and after a long debate on the calendar of reforms, the Executive Committee (EC) of CODESRIA undertook, by virtue of the prerogatives devolved to it by the Charter of CODESRIA , to adopt the texts to govern the election of the Executive Committee at the 15th General Assembly. The Executive Committee had drafted these implementing texts and, after several iterations and discussions, it had adopted them at an extraordinary meeting held in April 2017. It had also set up an Electoral Commission of five members including the President and the members had been informed of their appointment by the Executive Secretary.

The CODESRIA Charter, from which the by-laws derive, provides that only CODESRIA members in good standing can participate in the election of the Executive Committee. In December 2017, the Executive Secretary had informed the Executive Committee of the challenge of operationalizing certain provisions of the texts during the upcoming 15th General Assembly (GA) because the Council had only 18 individual and institutional members in good standing. The Executive Committee had then derogated from the provisions of the bye-laws concerning the deadlines for payment of dues and asked the Executive Secretariat to allow members to comply by paying their dues for 2017 and 2018. The derogation which expired in March 2018 should enable CODESRIA members to be in good standing. At the end of March 2018,

The Executive Committee had examined this situation and concluded that given the limited number of members in good standing, the obligation of an online ballot before the GA of December 2018 was not feasible. Apart from the former Presidents and Executive Secretaries of the Council, only 50 members of the community could have had the right to participate in the electoral process.

After consulting the President of the Electoral Commission and by Resolution 1/2018 adopted on July 31, 2018, the EC suspended the application of provisions 6, 7, 8 and 9 of the Regulations on electoral matters and decided that the next EC of CODESRIA be elected during the 15th GA, scheduled for December 2018, according to the rules and procedures in force at previous GAs. In addition, only CODESRIA members in good standing with respect to a) payment of annual dues, and b) attendance at at least one previous General Assembly will be eligible to vote and stand for election.

The Executive Committee instructed the Executive Secretary to bring this resolution to the attention of the members of CODESRIA and to share with them the implementing texts in order to collect their written comments. We would like to inform the CODESRIA community of this situation. The resolution of the Executive Committee and the implementing texts are attached to this press release. These same documents have been published on the CODESRIA website (www.codesria.org). Comments should be sent to the Executive Committee at executive.secretary@codesria.org before the 15th General Assembly.

Godwin R. MURUNGA
EXECUTIVE SECRETARY

Attached documents:

• CODESRIA Charter
• CODESRIA By-laws
• Statement of the Executive Committee on the Suspension of the By-laws
• CODESRIA EC Resolution

Declaration of intellectuals and researchers on the destruction of the manuscripts of Timbuktu

AfrikaNko Symposium, January 29, 2013 (CODESRIA and Point Sud)

We, African and Diaspora intellectuals and their colleagues from Asia, the Americas and Europe gathered in Dakar for the Symposium “The colonial library in debate” strongly protest against the destruction, the looting and the burning of ancient manuscripts housed by the Ahmed Baba Institute in the city of Timbuktu.

Adding to the loss of numerous human lives and the innumerable brutalities that accompanied the conflict in Mali, this act consecrates the destruction of priceless intellectual resources, accumulated over the ages and preserved through generations. It is a serious wound to the memory, to the spirit, and to the African being and to that of all humanity.

This act is part of the long history of destruction of libraries of which the African continent is not exclusive. It is the manifestation of a systematic desire to erase an intellectual and cultural memory that began in northern Mali with the destruction of mausoleums and historical sites. This destruction is also the effect of a geopolitics where Africa is at the heart of new looting, new predation, and new wars.

We condemn this act and mourn this loss. As we discuss the “Colonial Library” and the “African Library”, the destruction of these manuscripts reminds us how the preservation and transmission of knowledge is a priority and a right, and any violation of this right a crime. .

We demand from African governments no longer promises but concrete and urgent actions dedicated to the safeguarding of libraries, manuscripts and other

creations of the mind before it is too late and all they are left with are too often hypocritical lamentations. War primarily targets peoples, but it is also always and everywhere a threat to books, libraries, and culture.

On behalf of the participants:

Violations and abuses of Academic Freedom in Malawi: CODESRIA Postpones Holding of International Colloquium in Honor of Professor Thandika Mkandawire

April 8, 2011

One of the African countries where the democratic revolutions in Tunisia and Egypt have both galvanized the social movements for the deepening of democracy and provoked authoritarian, knee-jack reactions from the state and university authorities is Malawi. The Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa (CODESRIA) and indeed the entire African intellectual community, have closely been following events in Malawi, where threats, intimidation and dismissal of academic staff members of the University of Malawi, are becoming too frequent . One recent victim of these intolerable treatments is Dr. Blessing Chinsinga, Associate Professor in the Department of Political and Administrative Studies at Chancellor College, University of Malawi (UNIMA). dr. Chinsinga was summoned to the Zomba Police Station for interrogation over the contents of one of his class lectures in which he gave examples of reasons for popular protest taken from Egypt and Tunisia. He was subsequently dismissed. So were Chancellor College Academic Staff Union president, Dr. Jessie Kabwila-Kapasula, her Secretary General Franz Amin and Legal Advisor, Dr. Garton Kamchedzera, on Wednesday 30th March 2011. Fortunately, the decision to sack these colleagues was set aside by the Malawian short. The threats and dismissals of academic staff of UNIMA constitute gross violations of academic freedom, and a violation of several sections of the Constitution of the Republic of Malawi, which inter alia provides for academic freedom.

CODESRIA is a pan-African organization that promotes academic freedom as an integral part of the struggle for democracy and social justice. CODESRIA has therefore been monitoring all contradictory developments in Africa since the beginning of this year very closely. Indeed, the year 2011 will go down in history as a year when Africa would have displayed both ‘the most beautiful and the ugliest of its faces’.

The “Jasmin Revolution” in Tunisia and the fall of dictatorship in Tunisia and Egypt, as a result of the relentless popular struggles for democracy, jobs and better living conditions, have made the promise of democracy much more real in Africa. On the other hand, the crisis in Cote d’Ivoire, the massacres perpetrated by the Libyan Guide Momar Qhadafi and the bombings by NATO are reminiscent of some of the darkest pages of Africa’s history. During the World Social Forum held in Dakar in February this year, CODESRIA, the Third World Forum, and ENDA Third World jointly organized eleven (11) roundtable discussions on some of the greatest challenges facing Africa and, more generally, the Global South, with panelists drawn from all across the South and from Europe. The democratic revolutions unfolding in Tunisia and Egypt, and the crisis in Cote d’Ivoire were among the issues discussed at length. CODESRIA fights for the rights of African academics and researchers, and for all Africans to have better living and working conditions without any externally imposed restrictions. This means not only decent conditions of work and an environment conducive for research on campus, but also the freedom of research and the freedom of academics to express their thoughts and conduct teaching and research activities on topics of their choice. Therefore, CODESRIA cannot remain indifferent to threats and other acts of intimidation perpetrated against members of the academic and the larger intellectual communities in Africa. Such silence would be contrary to the principles of academic freedom and solidarity that CODESRIA has been fighting for since its inception in 1973. Dr Chinsinga’s class was infiltrated by informants hired by the Malawian state police, a practice reminiscent of the worst days of the Kamuzu Banda dictatorship. No modern university can properly function, let alone develop, under close police surveillance.

In recognition of his contributions to the development of CODESRIA and to the advancement of knowledge production in Africa and around the world, CODESRIA has planned to hold an international colloquium in honor of one of the greatest African scholars, the Malawi-born Professor Thandika Mkandawire. This event, organized by CODESRIA in collaboration with the University of Malawi and the South Africa-based Intellectual Heritage Project, was earlier scheduled to take place in his home country, Malawi, on 2-4 May 2011. Thankdika Mkandawire is currently a professor at the London School of Economics, after having spent many years as the Director of UNRISD, Geneva (1998-2009) and Executive Secretary of CODESRIA (1985-1996). This great icon and proud son of Africa marked his 70th Birthday Anniversary last October. For such a remarkable friend, inspiring leader and vigorous interlocutor for so many people, one who ‘shared in our tribulations and triumphs’ (to use the late Archie Mafeje’s phrase), the occasion is not merely an anniversary of the birthday of an individual; it is an opportunity us to celebrate a community that is as global as it is African. His 70th birthday is a milestone that we would like to turn into a collective celebration of a life: that of someone who has been a veritable gift to us, both as individuals and as a community.

There is no better place to hold such a colloquium in celebration of the life and works of Professor Mkandawire than Malawi. There is also no better institutional partner with which CODESRIA can organize this colloquium than the University of Malawi. However, the recent gross violations of academic freedom at the University of Malawi has made it necessary for us to postpone this historic occasion, until such a time when our Malawian colleagues feel less threatened in the exercise of their rights as scholars and the enjoyment of the freedom of research and expression, without fear of being persecuted because of their ideas.

Furthermore, CODESRIA and the entire community of African social researchers would like to appeal to the Government of Malawi to take urgent steps to reinstate the academic staff of UNIMA who have been dismissed, ensure that academic freedom is respected and guaranteed, in compliance with the Constitution of Malawi, and respond positively to the demand of the Chancellor College Academic Staff to assure them in writing that no such actions shall be repeated by any official authority, or agent connected with the Police. We hope the Council of the University of Malawi would also refrain from practices that make the academic staff of the university feel insecure.

Lastly, CODESRIA wishes to assure our Malawian colleagues of our solidarity with them in their struggle to make UNIMA a driving center of excellence in teaching, research, knowledge production and dissemination that can contribute immensely to the development of Malawi and the African continent.

Statement issued in Dakar, on 8 April 2011

Kampala Declaration on African History

October 27-29, 2008

The conference on the re-reading of the history and historiography of domination and resistance in Africa was organized by CODESRIA, as the first stage of a long intellectual process called SOS African History, aimed at achieving the triple objective of:

•  Promote the study of African history,
• Mobilize support for the discipline of history in higher education in Africa,
• Network African historians to achieve these goals.

This conference was held from October 27 to 29, 2008 in Kampala (Uganda). It began with a brief opening ceremony, introduced by the Executive Secretary of CODESRIA, Professor Adebayo Olukoshi. In an incisive and stimulating speech, Prof. Olukoshi underlined the factors which undeniably demonstrate the lack of interest accorded to the study of African history in Africa, from primary education to higher education. He then asked the academics and researchers present to find, through their discussions, strategies to reverse the trend of forgetting African history in African education systems.

Following the intervention of the Executive Secretary of CODESRIA, the keynote speaker, Professor Adiele Afigbo from the Department of History and International Relations, Ebonyi State University, Nigeria, delivered his keynote address in which he showed first of all, the different forms and stages that the imperial domination of foreign powers, especially Western ones, had taken since 1450. He then showed that it is through the unbroken path of imperial domination that Africa has come to the current era of globalization. However, he stressed that globalization should not be seen as the last stage of imperial domination of the West, because the latter is capable of undertaking unpredictable changes. Prof.

Then, the conference focused on the examination of 30 papers presented by the participants. This was done through nine panels, each of which dealt with a thematically related set of papers. The panels were as follows:

 The Politics and Philosophy of Rereading Resistance and Domination in Africa
The political economy of domination and resistance
Religion and rituals in the history of domination and resistance
Gender, resistance and domination in Africa
Figures of resistance and domination
Memories of domination and resistance
Domination and resistance through the arts and literature
The Historiography of Domination and Resistance: Some Case Studies (1)
The Historiography of Domination and Resistance: Some Case Studies (2)

After the panels, the conference turned into a Round Table to examine the theme: “Rereading the historiography of domination and resistance in Africa: What next step?” The Round Table resulted in the development of an action plan organized around the following axes:

African organizations that have an interest in the teaching of African history in African educational institutions as well as history associations, history departments, archaeologists, linguists, associations of archivists and museologists, institutes of African studies or African cultural studies, research organizations, the African Union and other pan-African organizations (political, economic and social) are invited to:

•  Organize conferences and training workshops at all relevant levels (continental, regional, national, etc.)
• Mobilize material resources for history studies and link them at continental, regional and national levels.
• Encourage the production of teaching materials in the field of African history for use at primary, secondary and higher levels
• Institute history scholarships at all levels of the education system
• Institute history prizes at all levels of the education system. At secondary and higher levels, prizes can be created for African history lessons
• Create prizes in honor of Africa’s greatest historians at the national and regional levels
• Create posts for visiting teachers specializing in African history
• Encourage scholars and institutions in Africa to use the historical method in their research

CODESRIA is strongly encouraged to:

•  Continue conferences at current level
• Assist in the organization of downstream conferences on the SOS African History Project at regional and national levels
• Encourage the production of books, especially textbooks on African history at secondary and higher levels
• Assist in the organization of history competitions at regional and national levels
• Develop a memorandum on the SOS African History Project to be sent and defended at the level of the African Union. In this memorandum, emphasis should be placed on the funding and establishment of regional centers or institutes for the promotion of African history.
• Draw the attention of Africans and African organizations in the Diaspora to the importance of the SOS African History Project
• Develop a fundraising strategy or strategies for the project
• Popularize the example of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) in which history teachers at university level have created a fund for the granting of financial aid to students who choose to study history
• Make public all the steps taken at all levels to carry out the project

Finally, conference participants should:

•  Work as missionaries and ambassadors of the SOS African History Project by bringing this project and the work of this conference back to their departments, centers and institutes and if possible to neighboring departments, centers and institutes that are not represented at this conference ,
• Undertake to assist CODESRIA and any other organization in all matters intended to promote the SOS African History Project.

Representatives from the following countries participated in the conference:

 South Africa
Burkina Faso
Cameroon
congo
MAURITIUS ISLAND
Kenya
Madagascar
Niger
Nigeria
Uganda
ground floor
Sierra Leone
Swaziland
Zimbabwe

(…)

Finally, with a deep sense of responsibility, the conference calls on the governments and peoples of Africa, without exception, to recognize the organic link between their history and culture on the one hand, and their identity and self-confidence on the on the other hand, and to do whatever is necessary to give due consideration to studying and experiencing their history and culture.

Call for the safeguard of academic freedom at the National University of Kinshasa!

May 15, 2008

The African social science research community is following developments in the situation at the National University of Kinshasa (UNIKIN) with great interest. Indeed, for four months academic activities have been paralyzed by a strike by teachers demanding better salaries. According to the latest information we have received, the situation has worsened since the students were repressed by the police for having decided to demonstrate in support of the teachers’ demands. The intervention of the police forces on the university campus endangers teachers and students and cannot be a solution to the resolution of this crisis.

The Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa (CODESRIA) is an organization that promotes academic freedom in African universities. Its fight is to allow African academics to have better working conditions allowing them to work without external constraint. As recalled during the Kinshasa conference on academic freedom in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), organized jointly by CODESRIA and the National University of Kinshasa in 2004, these requirements are not only aimed at creating good work in universities, but also to guarantee the free expression of ideas and the freedom to undertake research on all issues. The DRC university community is one of the most active within CODESRIA and the Council cannot be indifferent to the deterioration of the working conditions of our Congolese colleagues. Such silence would be contrary to the principles of academic freedom and solidarity for which our organization has fought since its creation in 1973. No university can develop without guaranteeing academic freedom and no democracy can survive without strict respect for the freedom of ‘expression. These freedoms constitute the basis on which academics and researchers assume their social responsibility. Such silence would be contrary to the principles of academic freedom and solidarity for which our organization has fought since its creation in 1973. No university can develop without guaranteeing academic freedom and no democracy can survive without strict respect for the freedom of ‘expression. These freedoms constitute the basis on which academics and researchers assume their social responsibility. Such silence would be contrary to the principles of academic freedom and solidarity for which our organization has fought since its creation in 1973. No university can develop without guaranteeing academic freedom and no democracy can survive without strict respect for the freedom of ‘expression. These freedoms constitute the basis on which academics and researchers assume their social responsibility.

CODESRIA and the entire community of social science researchers urge the competent authorities of the DRC to take urgent measures so that academic freedoms are guaranteed and respected on the campus of the National University of Kinshasa and that the demands of teachers for better working conditions and higher salaries are met. The Council assures the Congolese colleagues of its support in their fight for the advent of a university functioning in a democratic manner in a climate of peace and committed to the fight for the development of the DRC and the African continent.

Message of solidarity with the people of Guinea

May 2007

Call for solidarity with the people of Guinea

Since January 10, 2007, workers in Guinea have gone on strike to demand better living conditions and respect for public morals and democracy. Faced with the demands presented by the inter-union CNTGUSTG supported by the majority of the people of Guinea, the autocratic power of Lansana Conté chose the path of contempt and repression. Dozens of demonstrators were murdered in cold blood or maimed for life by the security services. Despite this fierce repression, the Guinean populations have intensified, at the risk of their lives, their mobilization on a scale never equaled since the defeat of colonialism. Invariably, the response from power has been to do more than usual: arresting and torturing trade union leaders and ordinary citizens, establishing a state of emergency and a state of siege under the thumb of the high military hierarchy, and threatening more violence against the population.

CODESRIA as an organization of African intellectuals concerned with their social responsibilities cannot remain silent in the face of this brutal repression deployed by the Conté regime against Guineans, a repression that has paralyzed the country, impoverished the population and led the State on the edge of chaos. The Council notes that academics in Guinean higher education institutions who took part in this popular movement for change were not spared from the repression of the regime which ignored all principles of academic freedom. The Council would like to add its voice to that of the democrats, who throughout the world have expressed their solidarity with the people of Guinea and denounced all forms of dictatorship. The Council also joins the Guinean trade union movement and other social movements in the vanguard struggle for change and in their quest for equitable and democratic management of Guinean wealth.

The struggles of the people of Guinea remind us that freedom is not given, but won – often at the cost of sacrifice. We know this, we members of an institution that produced the Kampala Declaration on Academic Freedom and the Social Responsibility of Academics ( see CODESRIA website ) to prevent the denial of freedoms in the African higher education system. I would therefore like to ask all members
of the Council to take a moment to think of the people of Guinea and to show solidarity with them, in the conviction that their victory will be another important step towards democracy and development in Africa – like the No history of Guinea to Charles de Gaulle’s project of French federation to perpetuate colonial power emboldened and accelerated the project of African independence.

Members of CODESRIA who wish to express their solidarity with the people of Guinea and with their struggle are requested to send their messages to Executive.Secretary_@_codesria.sn. Their messages will be transmitted to the unions and to the management of university staff. We have a duty today to let the people of Guinea know that they are not alone!

Adebayo Olukoshi

Executive Secretary

Statement on Africa’s Development Challenges

April 26, 2002, Accra (Ghana)

1. From April 23-26, 2002, we, scholars and activist scholars working in academic institutions, civil society organizations and policy [making] institutions from 20 African countries, together with our colleagues and friends from from Asia, North America, and South America, we are gathered at a conference jointly organized by the Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa (CODESRIA) and Third World Network- Africa (TWN-Africa) to deliberate on Africa’s development challenges in the new millennium.
2. Our deliberations covered issues such as African Development Initiatives, Africa and the Global Trading System; the mobilization of financial resources for development in Africa; the citizenship ; democracy and development; education, health, social services and development; and issues of gender equity and equality in development.

The Challenges Facing Africa’s Own Development Thinking Space

3. During our deliberations, we recalled the various African initiatives aimed at addressing development challenges, in particular the Lagos Plan of Action and the African Alternative Framework for Structural Adjustment which accompanied it. Each time, these initiatives have been thwarted and ultimately undermined by policies that have been developed outside the continent and imposed on African countries. Over the past few decades, a false consensus has been built around the neo-liberal paradigm promoted through the Bretton Woods institutions and the World Trade Organization. This phenomenon tends to overshadow the rich African tradition of reflection on development alternatives. It is in this context that the recently proclaimed new African initiative was discussed,
4. The meeting noted the uneven progress of political liberalization and the expansion of space for citizen participation and expression. She also recognized the contribution of civil society struggles and activism to expanding political space and bringing critical development issues onto the agenda of public debate.

Internal and External Obstacles to Africa’s Economic Development

5. The meeting noted that the development challenges facing Africa stem from two closely related sources: a) the constraints imposed by the global economic and political order in which our economies operate; b) internal weaknesses resulting from political and socio-economic structures and neo-liberal structural adjustment policies,
6. The main elements of the hostile international order include in the first place the fact that African economies are inadequately integrated into the global economy as exporters of raw materials and importers of manufactured goods, which has led to the persistence of deficits in the terms of trade. This situation has been reinforced by the policies of liberalisation, privatization and deregulation, as well as by a set of inappropriate macro-economic policies imposed through the structural adjustment conditionalities of the World Bank and the IMF. These tendencies are currently institutionalized in WTO rules, agreements and procedures that are biased against our countries.
7. External difficulties have exacerbated the internal structural imbalances of our economies and in conjunction with neo-liberal structural adjustment policies and inequitable political and socio-economic structures, have contributed to the disintegration of our economies and the growing social and gender inequalities. In particular, our manufacturing sector is destroyed; agricultural production is in decline; public services are severely weakened; and the capacity of African States to formulate and implement national policies in favor of balanced and equitable development is annihilated. The costs of these policies are borne disproportionately by marginalized and oppressed groups in our societies, including workers, peasants and small producers.
8. Indeed, these events overturned the policies, programs and institutions put in place at the time of independence with a view to creating and developing integrated production within our economies in the areas of agriculture. , industry, commerce, finance and social services. These programs and institutions, despite their limitations, were intended to solve the problems of the weakness of the internal market and the fragmentation of production structures, as well as internal social inequalities and between states inherited from colonization, and to remedy the inadequate integration of our economies into the world order. As a result, the economic and social gains made during this period have been reversed.
9. The above considerations have informed our reflections on NEPAD. We have concluded that despite the well-intentioned goals proclaimed by NEPAD, its vision of development and the measures it intends to take to achieve these goals suffer from serious deficiencies. As a result, NEPAD will not contribute adequately to addressing the challenges that have been identified above. On the contrary, it will reinforce the constraints linked to a hostile external environment and internal weaknesses which constitute major obstacles to Africa’s development. In fact, in certain areas such as debt, NEPAD represents a major withdrawal from the international objectives that were set following mobilization and a struggle on a global scale.
10. The most fundamental shortcomings of NEPAD which reproduces the central elements of the World Bank document entitled “Can Africa claim the 21st Century?” and that of the Economic Commission for Africa entitled “Compact for African Recovery” include:

(a) the neo-liberal macro-economic framework that lies at the heart of the plan and reproduces the structural adjustment policies of the last two decades, and ignores the disastrous effects of these policies;

(b) the fact that despite his proclaimed recognition of the centrality of the African people to the plan, they played no role in the design and formulation of NEPAD;

(c) the fact that despite its concerns for social and gender equity, it adopts the same economic and social measures that have contributed to the marginalization of women.

(d) the fact that despite its proclaimed African origins, its main targets are foreign donors, particularly those of the G-8;

(e) the fact that its vision of democracy is defined by the needs related to the creation of a functioning market;

(f) the fact that it neglects the fundamental external conditions in Africa’s development crisis, and therefore does not provide any meaningful measures to manage and mitigate the effects of the impact of this environment on development efforts of Africa. On the contrary, the engagement it envisages with institutions such as the World Bank, the IMF, the WTO, the United States through AGOA, and the EU through the Cotonou Convention, will increase the stalemate of African economies in this hostile environment;

(g) the fact that the means envisaged for the mobilization of resources will increase the disintegration of our economies which we have witnessed under the influence of structural adjustment and the rules of the WTO;

Call to action

11. In order to resolve these problems, we call for initiatives to be taken at the national, continental and international levels to implement the following measures.
12. With regard to the external environment, measures should be taken to stabilize commodity prices; reform the international financial system (to avoid debt accumulation, exchange rate instability and capital flight); to end the structural adjustment programs of the IMF and the World Bank; fundamentally change the WTO agreements and end attempts to extend the scope of the WTO regime to new areas such as investment, competition and government procurement. The most pressing issue is debt cancellation for African countries.
13. At the local, national and regional levels, development policies must promote agriculture, industry, as well as services, and must be protected and supported through appropriate measures relating to investment, trade and macro policies. -economic. Financing strategies should seek to mobilize and build on internal resources through innovative savings measures, the reallocation of lavish spending on armaments, corruption and mismanagement, the use innovative remittances from Africans abroad, collection of corporate taxes, retention and reinvestment of profits from foreign investors, the prevention of capital flight as well as the loss of resources through tax evasion practiced by foreign investors and local elites. Foreign investment, while essential, must be carefully balanced and selected to achieve national goals.
14. Above all, these measures require the re-establishment of the Development State: a State where social equity, social inclusion and national unity and respect for human rights are the basis. economic policies; a state that seeks to promote and support the productive sectors of the economy; that is actively committed to the equitable allocation of resources to different sectors and social groups; and, most importantly, a state that is democratic and incorporates people’s control into decision-making at all levels in the equitable management, use and distribution of social resources.

The Challenges Facing African Researchers and Intellectual Activists

15. Recognizing that by re-raising the issue of Africa’s development as a major continental concern, NEPAD has brought to the fore the issue of African self-sustaining initiatives for development, we will focus on issues raised by NEPAD in our efforts to contribute to debates and discussions on Africa’s development.
16. In order to make our contribution to meeting Africa’s development challenges, we undertake to work collectively and individually, in accordance with our capacities, our expertise, and our respective institutional mandates, in order to promote the renewal at continental level of commitment to African development initiatives. To this end, we will deploy our respective capacities and expertise in research, advocacy and training to contribute to the production and dissemination of knowledge on the major issues; we will commit ourselves to mobilizing the various social forces around their interests and appropriate development strategies; and we will challenge governments and policy institutions at local, national, regional and continental. We will continue to work with our colleagues in the global social movement.
17. To this end, we appeal

(a) the re-affirmation of the primacy of the national development issue and paradigm on the agenda of social discourse and intellectual engagement;

(b) African scholars and militant intellectuals to join forces with those social groups whose interests and needs must be at the center of Africa’s development;

(c) African scholars and activist scholars to direct their research and advocacy towards pressing issues facing African policy and decision-making at the international level (particularly negotiations at the WTO and under the Cotonou Agreement), and at national and regional levels;

(d) the solidarity of our social movement colleagues globally, especially those in the North, to support our common struggles. We invite our colleagues from the North to intervene with their governments on behalf of our struggles and our colleagues from the South to strengthen South-South cooperation.

18. We undertake to promote the positions and conclusions of this conference. We encourage CODESRIA and TWN-Africa to explore, in collaboration with other interested parties, mechanisms and processes for following up the deliberations and conclusions of this Conference.

(Adopted at the end of the Conference on Africa’s Development Challenges in the New Millennium, organized by TWN-Africa and CODESRIA, Accra April 23-26, 2002)

Kampala Declaration on Intellectual Freedom and Social Responsibility

November 29, 1990, Kampala (Uganda)

Preamble

Intellectual freedom is more than ever threatened in Africa. The historically engendered economic, political and social crisis of our continent continues to undermine development efforts in all spheres. The imposition of unpopular structural adjustment programs has been accompanied by increased political repression, widespread poverty and intense human suffering.

Faced with this intolerable situation, the African peoples have reacted by intensifying their struggles for democracy and human rights. The struggle for intellectual freedom is an integral part of our people’s struggle for human rights. The struggle of African intellectuals for freedom is growing as much as the struggle of the African people for democracy is becoming generalized.

Aware of the fact that African States are signatories to international and regional instruments, including the African Charter on Peoples’ Rights, and convinced that we, participants in the symposium on Intellectual Freedom and Social Responsibility of Intellectuals and members of the African intellectual community, have an obligation both to fight for our rights and to contribute to the fight of our people for their own rights, we met in Kampala (Uganda), in order to establish norms and standards that will govern the exercise of intellectual freedom and which will remind us of our social responsibility as intellectuals.

Therefore, we have adopted the Kampala Declaration on Intellectual Freedom and Social Responsibility, on this 29th day of November in the year one thousand nine hundred and ninety.

Chapter I: Fundamental Rights and Freedoms

Section A: Intellectual Rights and Freedoms

Section 1

Everyone has the right to education, and the right to engage in intellectual activity.

Section 2

Every African intellectual must enjoy respect for his civil, political, social, economic and cultural rights, as stipulated in the International Declaration of the Rights of the Citizen and the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights.

Section 3

No African intellectual should be subjected to persecution, harassment or intimidation of any kind, solely because of his intellectual work, his opinions, his nationality, his sexual or ethnic belonging.

Section 4

Every African intellectual must be able to circulate freely within his country, and if he so wishes, leave the country or return to it freely and without being harassed. No administrative or other action must, directly or indirectly, restrict this freedom, because of the intellectual opinions of the individual, his beliefs and his activity.

Section 5

Any African intellectual, any African intellectual community, has the right to initiate and develop contacts or establish relations with other intellectuals or intellectual communities, provided that these contacts and relations are based on equality and mutual respect. .

Section 6

Every African intellectual has the right to freely exercise an intellectual activity, in particular research and the dissemination of research results, provided that he respects the principles of scientific research and universally recognized ethical and professional standards.

Section 7

Teachers, researchers and students of educational institutions have the right, in person or through their elected representatives, to introduce the research programs of their institutions, to participate in their development and dissemination, according to the highest educational standards. .

Section 8

Teachers and researchers in the intellectual community must have stable employment. They shall not be removed or transferred from office except in cases of gross misconduct, proven incompetence or negligence incompatible with the academic profession. Disciplinary acts of dismissal or transfer must be in accordance with established procedures guaranteeing an impartial hearing before a democratically elected body of the intellectual community.

Section 9

The intellectual community must be able to freely express its opinions in the media and set up its own media and means of communication.

Section B: The right to form autonomous organizations

Section 10

All members of the intellectual community should feel free to form or join trade unions. The right of association includes the right to peaceful assembly and the formation of groups, clubs, national and international associations.

Section C: Autonomy of Institutions

Section 11

Higher education institutions must be independent of the State or any other public authority in the conduct of their affairs, whether in terms of their administration, the establishment of their university programs, teaching research or any other program.

Section 12

The independence of higher education institutions must be exercised through democratic means of self-management requiring the active participation of all members of the university community concerned.

Chapter II: Obligations of the State

Section 13

The State must make itself the obligation to take prompt and appropriate measures against any violation of the rights and freedoms of the intellectual community brought to its attention.

Section 14

The State must not deploy any military or paramilitary force, nor any security and intelligence service, nor any similar force inside the premises or areas reserved for educational establishments.

Should such removal be necessary to protect life and property, then the following conditions should be met:

(a) there should be a visible, present and imminent danger that threatens life and property;

(b) the head of the establishment in question has expressly requested it in writing, and;

(c) that this request has been approved by an elected select committee belonging to the university community, set up for this purpose.

Section 15

The State must refrain from exercising censorship over the work of the intellectual community.

Section 16

The State must ensure that no official or other body under its supervision produces or circulates false information or rumors tending to threaten, discredit or thwart in any way the efforts of the intellectual community.

Section 17

The State must permanently ensure the adequate funding of research establishments and higher education establishments. This financing must be determined in consultation with an elected body of the establishment concerned.

Section 18

The state must stop preventing the movement or recruitment of non-national African intellectuals or imposing specific conditions on them.

Chapter III: Social responsibility

Section 19

Members of the Intellectual Community must discharge their roles and functions with competence, integrity and to the best of their abilities. They must perform their duties in accordance with the highest moral and scientific standards.

Section 20

Members of the intellectual community have a responsibility to promote a spirit of tolerance in the face of opposing opinions or positions and to encourage democratic debate and discussion.

Section 21

No group in the intellectual community should allow itself to harass, dominate or oppress another group. All conflicts between members of the intellectual community must be studied and resolved in a spirit of equality, non-discrimination and democracy.

Rule 22

It is up to the intellectual community to make the struggle of the popular forces for their rights and their emancipation its own, while taking part in it.

Section 23

No member of the intellectual community should participate or be party to any action that could harm the people or the intellectual community or compromise scientific, ethical and professional principles and standards.

Section 24

It is up to the intellectual community to show solidarity and to offer asylum to any member persecuted because of their intellectual activity.

Section 25

The intellectual community should encourage and contribute to positive actions to correct ancient and contemporary inequalities based on gender, nationality and/or other social handicap.

Rule 26

Members of the intellectual community will be able to develop and implement the norms and standards set out in this declaration, at the regional and pan-African levels.

Rule 27

It is incumbent on the African intellectual community to form its own organizations to monitor and denounce violations of the rights and freedoms stipulated in this declaration.

Dar es Salaam Declaration on Academic Freedom and Social Responsibility of Academics

April 19, 1990, Dar Es Salaam (Tanzania)

Preamble

We live in critical times marked by crises, but full of hope.
The strict conditions imposed by the international Shylocks  [ 1 ] have begun to impose draconian restrictions on Tanzania, like other countries on the African continent, is entangled in a series of socio-economic crises. While budget allocations to the education sector are shrinking. it is threatened with becoming the preserve of a minority of wealthy and influential members of our society.
The state has become increasingly authoritarian. This authoritarianism is all the more exacerbated as the government is incapable of finding tangible solutions to the crises that assail it from all sides. This is evidenced by the increasingly serious, deeper and more frequent attacks on academic freedom and the freedom to devote oneself to the search for knowledge and truth, particularly within universities and other institutions. of higher education.
These are times of crisis. But there are also moments of hope. To the extent that the free and independent existence of the people is challenged, they begin to question the legitimacy of policies that deny freedom and right We, scholars, intellectuals and knowledge providers, have a human obligation and social responsibility for our people’s struggle for human rights, freedom, social transformation and liberation. Our participation in the struggle of our people is inseparable from the struggle for the autonomy of our institutions of higher learning and for the freedom to devote oneself to the search for knowledge, without coercion, hindrance or interference from the authorities in power.
In 1984, for the first time since independence, the constitution of the United Republic of Tanzania was amended to incorporate a rights law. The constitution recognizes the right to education and the right to freedom of opinion and expression which includes academic freedom.
Tanzania subscribes to the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights. It has ratified international conventions (1966) and the UNESCO convention against discrimination in education. Tanzania is also a signatory to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights. These instruments unanimously affirm the right to education and freedom of opinion, expression and dissemination of information. But rights are not simply given; they conquer each other And, a
once conquered, they cannot endure if they are not protected, maintained and constantly defended against attacks and restrictions.
Thus, we, delegates of the staff associations of institutions of higher education in Tanzania, meeting in Dar-es-Salaam, on this 19th April 1990, we solemnly adopt and proclaim this Declaration.

Part 1 – Fundamentals

Chapter One: Education for the III Liberation of Man

1 – Every human being has the right to a good education. Education must aim at the total development of the human person.

2 – Access to education must be on a basis of equality and equity.

3 – Education must prepare the person to seek and participate fully in the liberation of man and society from oppression, domination and enslavement.

4. Education should empower the person to combat prejudice based on gender, race, nation, ethnicity, religion, class, culture, etc. Education must inculcate in each person respect for all works of culture produced by men.

5.. Education should develop the critical faculties of man, inculcate the spirit of scientific inquiry and encourage the quest for knowledge and the search for all truth with a view to social transformation and the liberation of humanity. male.

6 – Education must be secular. Religious instruction must be separated from secular education and given to those who voluntarily wish to benefit from it.

7 – Education must allow each individual to become aware of ecological problems and the need to protect the environment

Chapter Two: Government Obligations

8 – The State must guarantee to each resident an education on a basis of equality, equity, integral and healthy, without any discrimination based on color, sex, language, religion, political or other opinions, national or social origin, economic status, mental or physical incapacity, birth or other status

9 – The State must provide for the availability of a sufficient part of the national income so that in practice the right to education can be fully realized. The State must be constitutionally obliged to reserve for education a minimum proportion of the national income approved by the whole nation.

10 – The State must take positive action when necessary to correct historical and contemporary inequalities concerning free access to education which are linked to national, racial, social or gender differences or are generated by physical disabilities.

Chapter Three: Rights and Obligations of Communities

11 – In exercising their right to self-determination, nationalities, communities and other collectivities shall have the right to provide education. Such education must be consistent with the fundamental principles and other provisions of this Declaration.

12 – Any non-governmental organization engaged in educational activities shall, among other obligations, participate in all activities consistent with the spirit of Article 10 of this Declaration.

13 – Every community or nationality must, among other obligations, fight against prejudices, attitudes and beliefs which, in any form and in any way whatsoever, prevent or discourage its members from participating in education in complete equality.

Part II. Academic freedom

Chapter One: Rights and Freedoms

14 – All members of the academic community have the right to perform their functions of teaching, research, writing, scholarship, exchange and dissemination of information and to render all services without fear of interference. or repression by the State or any other public authority.

15 – The civil, political, social, economic and cultural rights of members of the academic community recognized by the United Nations conventions on human rights must be respected. In particular, all members of the academic community must enjoy freedom of thought, research, conscience, expression, assembly and association as well as the right to liberty, security and integrity. of the person.

16 – All members of the academic community shall enjoy freedom of movement within the country and freedom to travel outside and re-enter the country without hindrance, coercion or harassment This freedom may not be restricted , except for reasons of public health, morality or in circumstances of manifest, present and imminent danger to the nation and its independence and when such restrictions can be justified in a democratic society
.

17 – Access to the academic community must be equal for all members of society without restrictions. Based on their skills, each resident has the right, without discrimination of any kind, to become a member of the academic community as a student, researcher, teacher, worker or administrator, without prejudice of any positive action in this respect.

18 – The teaching and research members as well as the students have the right, directly or through their democratically elected representatives, to initiate, to participate in, and to define the academic programs of their institutions in conformity with an education of the highest level. and the fundamental principles of this Declaration.

19 – All members of the academic community who have research functions have the right to carry out their research work without interference and in compliance with the universal principles and methods of scientific investigation. In particular, researchers cannot be denied access to information and authorization to conduct their research freely, without hindrance of any kind and on any subject whatsoever, except for reasons of public health and morality, or in
circumstances presenting a manifest, present and imminent danger to the nation and its independence and when such restrictions can be justified in a democratic society.

20 – All members of the academic community who have teaching duties have the right to teach without interference and in accordance with universally accepted teaching principles, standards and methods.

21 – Any member of the academic community has the right to request and obtain, from any authority, authority or administrator of his institution, explanations on their activities which have consequences for him or for the entire community. academic.

22 – Except when it proves contrary to morality or democratic principles, all members of the academic community must enjoy the right to establish contacts with their counterparts throughout the world as well as the freedom to work for the development of their educational abilities and skills.

23 – All students shall enjoy the freedom to study, including the right to choose their field of study within the framework of the courses available, and the right to receive official recognition of the knowledge and experience acquired. Institutions of higher education should strive to meet the
professional and educational needs and aspirations of students.

24 – All higher education institutions must guarantee the participation of students in their governing bodies. They must respect the right of students, individually or collectively, to express and disseminate their opinions on any matter of national and international interest.

25 – It is the right of students, within reasonable limits, to challenge or disagree with their professors on academic matters without fear of reprisal or bullying and without being exposed to any form of direct or indirect damage.

Chapter Two: Autonomous Academic Organizations

26 – All members of the academic community shall enjoy freedom of association, including the right to form and join independent and self-governing unions. The right of association includes the freedom of peaceful assembly and the formation of groups and clubs. associations and other bodies of the same nature with a view to promoting the academic and professional interests of members of the academic community.

27 – All members of the academic community shall have the right to write, print and publish their own journals or any other form of publication, including wall panels, posters and brochures. The exercise of this right must be done in compliance with the obligation of members of the academic community not to infringe the right to privacy of others and, in any way and in any form whatsoever,
to fuel hatred based on religion, ethnicity, nationality or gender.

Chapter Three: Guaranteed Employment

28 – All members of the academic community are entitled to fair and reasonable remuneration commensurate with their social and academic responsibilities in order to be able to fulfill their role with full human dignity, integrity and independence.

29 – The teaching and research members of the academic community, once tenured, must enjoy the guarantee of employment. No teaching or research member may be dismissed or removed from office except in cases of serious misconduct, proven incompetence or negligence incompatible with the academic profession. The disciplinary procedure that should lead to dismissal or dismissal on the basis of the reasons invoked in this article must comply with the provisions
laid down in the matter and allow a democratically elected body of the academic community to investigate the case in complete impartiality.

30 – No teaching or researcher member of the academic community shall be transferred to another position or assigned to other functions within or outside the institution to which he belongs without his prior consent.

31 – Any member of the academic community has the right to be informed of any report on his work, favorable or unfavorable, drawn up or received by the competent authorities or bodies of the institution to which he belongs in the exercise of their functions.

Chapter four: Obligations of the State and the administration

32 – The State and any other public authority must respect the rights and freedoms of the academic community set out in this Declaration.
The State is required to take diligent and appropriate measures vis-à-vis any attack by civil servants on the rights and freedoms of the academic community.

33 – In accordance with article 40, the State must not deploy any military, paramilitary, security or intelligence force or of any other nature, within the precincts of higher education institutions.

34 – The State is required to ensure that no authority or body under its control produces or disseminates unfounded information or rumors aimed at intimidating, tarnishing the reputation, or interfering in the legitimate activities of the academic community.

35 – The State and the administration are required to ensure that the terms and conditions of service of the academic community are not, directly or indirectly, modified or altered in such a way as to effectively affect the exercise of the rights and freedoms of the academic community.

36 – The State or the administration must not impose, directly or indirectly, conditions, procedures or any other form of restrictions which would nullify or effectively limit the rights and freedoms enshrined in this Declaration.

37 – The administration has the obligation not to divulge information concerning the members of the academic community which could be used to their detriment in the context of investigations or prosecutions in criminal or other matters.

Part III – Autonomy of higher education institutions

38 – Higher education institutions must be independent of the State or any other public authority for the conduct of their affairs and the development of their educational programs, research and other related activities. The State is bound to respect the autonomy of these institutions.

39 – The autonomy of higher education institutions must be exercised according to autonomous democratic means calling on the participation of all members of the academic community. All members of the academic community shall have the right and opportunity, without discrimination of any kind, to take part in the conduct of academic and administrative activities. All
governing bodies of higher education institutions should be freely elected. They must include, among others, members of the different sectors of the academic community, so that the representatives of the students and the teaching staff are in the majority. Staff associations must be represented in these bodies.

40 – No army force: military, paramilitary, intelligence or security services, law enforcement or police forces, may enter individually or in groups within the premises of higher education institutions except under the following conditions:
a) if there is a manifest, present and imminent danger which threatens the life or property of the institution and such danger cannot be circumscribed without the intervention of public forces; and
b) if the head of the institution concerned has requested this
intervention in writing.
Such a request should only be made after consultation and approval
by a special standing committee of elected representatives of the academic community set up for this purpose.

Part IV – Social Responsibility

Chapter One: Institutional Accountability

41 – All higher education institutions must work towards the full realization of the economic, social, cultural, civil and political rights of people and strive to prevent the pernicious use of science and technology to the detriment of these rights. Institutions of higher education must speak out against all forms of political repression and all violations of human rights within our society.

42 – All institutions of higher education must seek to respond to the problems that our society is currently facing. To this end, the teaching programs and other activities carried out by these institutions must meet the needs of society as a whole, without prejudice to the needs of scientific research and the production of knowledge.

43 – All institutions of higher education must support other similar institutions and individual members of the academic community, both inside and outside the country, when they are subject to persecution. . This support may be moral or material and must include the right to asylum, employment or education for the victims of such persecution.

44 – All institutions of higher education should strive to combat scientific, technological and other forms of dependency in our society, and promote collaboration, on an equal basis, with all academic communities in the world in research and the use of knowledge.

45 – All institutions of higher education are required to offer academic programs of the highest standard which are appropriate to the professional needs and aspirations of the students.

Chapter Two: Responsibility of Academics

46 – All members of the academic community have a responsibility to perform their academic duties and roles competently, with integrity, and to the best of their abilities. They must perform their academic duties in accordance with the highest ethical and scientific standards.

47 – All members of the academic community must exercise their rights with full responsibility without prejudice to the rights of others and the needs of society.

48 – All members of the academic community have an obligation to inculcate the spirit of tolerance towards differences of opinion and position and to encourage democratic debate and discussion.

49 – No member of the academic community shall participate in or endorse any activity likely to harm individuals or the academic community or compromise scientific, ethical and professional principles and standards.

50 – All members of the academic community have a duty to contribute to redressing historical and contemporary inequalities within our society that are based on differences of class, creed, gender, race, nationality, religion and economic situation. To this end, all members of the academic community must voluntarily devote part of their time to the education of disadvantaged sectors of the population.

Part V – Ratification and accession

51 – This Declaration shall enter into force upon ratification by the members of two-thirds of the staff associations of higher education institutions who participated in the inaugural seminar.

52 – Any autonomous staff association or autonomous student organization belonging to a Tanzanian higher education institution may have access to this Declaration and ratify it by depositing its signature with the body established for this purpose.

Part VI – Definitions

53 – In this statement, unless the context requires otherwise,
“academic community” covers anyone who teaches, studies, does research or works in another capacity in the institution of higher education.
“Academic Freedoms” means the freedoms of members of the academic community, individually or collectively, to seek,
develop and transmit knowledge through research, study, discussion, documentation, production, creation, teaching, lecturing and writing. “Administration” means the bodies and officials involved in the administration of a higher education institution.
“Affirmative action refers to any deliberate action, including any positive discrimination, taken on a temporary basis that aims to redress historical or contemporary inequalities.
“Autonomy” means the independence of higher education institutions and of the organizations, associations and groups formed within them, vis-à-vis the State and any other public authority, including political parties, but not vis-à-vis -to civil society organizations and “autonomous” interpreted in this sense.
“Fundamental Principles” means the principles set out in Part I of the Declaration, and where the context requires that “education” be interpreted in accordance with the meaning given to it by those Fundamental Principles.
“Community” as used in Chapter III of Part I, refers to a national group that is cohesive by virtue of commonality of culture, language or religious belief and includes neighborhood groups.
“Independence” with respect to a member of the academic community, the academic community or institution, means the freedom to pursue the academic profession without compromise.
“Institution” means institution of higher learning.
“Higher Education Institution” means universities and other post-secondary educational institutions which offer formal education or carry out research activities, which lead to the award of diplomas and degrees or the recognition of qualifications. Vocational training and retraining centers do not fall into this category.
“Inaugural Seminar” means the first meeting of delegates from institutions of higher learning called upon to adopt and proclaim this Declaration.
“Nationality” refers to groups within the societies of a State, united by virtue of their belonging to a territory, a culture and a language which are common to them.
“Resident” means any person living in Tanzania including their family
direct.

Adopted and declared in Dar -es-Salaam on April 19, 1990 by the delegates
of the staff associations mentioned below:

ARDHl Institute Staff Assembly
Professor AC Mosha
Mr. DJ Sadilci

Co-operative College Staff Association
Dr. J. Bugengo
Mr. BSA Liheta

Institute of Development Management Staff Association
Dr. GGM Ituga
Dr. LJ Shio

Institute of Finance Management Staff Assembly
Mr. S. Kamanzi
Mr. B. Kaare

Solcoine University of Agriculture Staff Association
Prof. ASM Mgeni
Dr. AZ Maltee

University of Dar-es-sa1aam Academic Staff Assembly
Professor Issa G. Shivji
Professor E. Wamba-dia-Wamba

Dar es Salaam Declaration